In The Future of Our Past, H.J. Blackham examines
what he calls “‘universals’ of history.” Universals are cultures, religions or
empires that can “claim to be a model for the human race.” In Western
Civilization, these so-called “universals” have their origins in Classical
Greece, Judea and the Roman Empire (Blackham, p. 8). After acquainting the
reader with this view, Blackham presents a chronology divided into four parts.
Part One is sub-divided into three sections, “Hellas,”
“Zion” and “Romanitas,” which describe the history of each culture and its
contribution to Western Civilization. Part Two discusses the Middle Ages in
Europe after the fall of Rome, with an emphasis on what information from the
three universals was lost, what was preserved, and what was rediscovered at the
end of that period. Part Three begins with the Renaissance, a re-awakening for
which Blackham credits the rediscovery of Greek philosophy and culture. It ends
with the secularization of Europe at the completion of the 19th
Century. Part Four is devoted to the 20th Century, its various
difficulties, and what the author calls “the final universal model…the One
World which the West has brought about and organized as a consequence of
technological innovation, and has inescapably laid on all humanity…a shared
human self-awareness that is a new version and vision of what humanity is”
(Blackham, p. 9).
A little ethnocentric? Discussing the development of Europe
is a fine topic of history. But offering Europe’s so-called universal forebears
as “a model for the human race,” and claiming in the end that the final
universal is a model created by the West and “laid on all humanity” is a bit
blinkered. He presents his theory as if the other continents on the planet are
just passive receptacles of western gifts, rather than participants in the
evolution of culture. This is nowhere more apparent than in his ignoring of
Medieval Islam. When the West was experiencing a dearth of education, Islam was
preserving a great deal of the Greek legacy, which it passed-on to the
Christian West. In addition, Blackham inaccurately states that “The Greeks originated
the scientific approach” (Blackham, p. 8). The Greeks employed empirical
observation of the physical world; but observation alone is not scientific method.
Most historians of science recognize Ibn al-Haytham (965 AD – 1040 AD), a
Persian Muslim, as the first individual recorded to have performed experiments
according to the scientific method. These too were passed-on to the West.
The most significant failure in the book is that Blackham
drops his thesis less than half way through. After discussing the debt that the
Renaissance owes to Greece, the author loses his thread connecting the three
model universals to the following history. From that point on, the originality
of the document, however flawed with traditionalism and ethnocentrism, reverts
to a standard recap of events between the Renaissance and the present.
This recap has value. It optimistically depicts an evolution
of culture from religious ignorance to science and rational secularism, with
all the technological and medical benefits that accompany that change. Blackham
understands that the prior “uniformity of Christendom…implied a rigid
orthodoxy…enforceable if necessary by totalitarian power.” The freeing of
thought, along with related scientific, political and cultural developments,
“opened the door of obedience to the intrusion of questions” (Blackham, pp.
110-111).
As the narrative reaches the 20th Century, a
chaos of wars, injustices, religious extremisms, ecological crises and other
problems, threaten to drown the theme of civilized development. It is here that
the author attempts to establish his “final universal”: “Responsibility for
consequences, good and ill, is at last recognized as being global and
shared…Everyone has the moral obligation to work out and undertake his or her
appropriate part in the collective tasks…In fulfilling this obligation, one
enacts one’s personal human identity. This is the bond of human union and the final
historical universal that supersedes the claims of Hellas, Zion, and Romanitas
to universality” (Blackham, p. 381). An inspiring goal for humanity. If only
there was some confirmation that this so-called universal was anything more
than a personal wish of the author’s. He offers no evidence of a worldwide trend
or force moving in that direction. If anything, most of the final section makes
the point that the activities of the 20th Century are driven by
greed, violence and selfishness, rather than a sense of global cooperation.
Blackham reached the end of his book, after having dropped his universals in
the Renaissance, and attempted to cobble together a final universal that had no
foundation in the modern portrait he had just presented.
Readers who undertake The Future of Our Past, will be
rewarded with an effective presentation involving the currents of Hellas, Zion
and Romanitas, which aided Western Civilization through Medieval times and
affected the Renaissance. In addition, an encouraging synopsis of secular development
in Europe between Renaissance and 19th Century, is exhibited. If one
is mindful of the pitfalls of ethnocentrism and unsubstantiated theory, one
will benefit from the information.
Blackham, H.J. The Future of Our Past. From Ancient Greece
to Global Village. Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books, 1996.
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