The stated goal of Leo Loubere’s Nineteenth Century
Europe, is to “to provide the reader with a general descriptive and
analytical text for the period of 1814-1914” (Loubere, p. xi). In the
Introduction, he writes “the theme of this book is modernization” (Loubere, p.
1). These statements set the stage for explicating his liberal-progressive view
of history. Employing modernization, or what some historians call progress, Professor
Loubere depicts advancement in democratic representation, rights for minorities
& women, and secular challenges to institutionalized Christian clergy. He
also presents the opposition to modernization/progress: autocratic governments
and their supporters (aristocracy, wealth and clergy).
Politically, the author shows how “governments became
increasingly liberal, that is, they both granted and safeguarded individual
freedoms…managed to curtail the once absolute power of rulership” with
“parliamentary bodies” and “broadened” voting rights which included women after
1914 (Loubere, pp. 1-2). Despite this cheery picture of progress, Loubere does
not lose sight of oppressed industrial workers or agricultural peasants. In a
passage, typical of his sympathy for the poor, he states “peasants lived off
the land, and the nobles and clergy lived off the peasants” (Loubere, p. 72). Sympathy
for workers and peasants results in a significant focus on the rise of
Socialism, culminating in Chapter 18, “The Second Coming of Socialism.” Loubere’s
emplotment, regarding the evolution of democracy, is romantic. Discussing the
failed revolts of 1848, which attempted to replace monarchies with republics,
he writes “Austrian generals could win battles, but they could not win the war
because the real war…consisted of changing social structures and the growing power
of new ideas” (Loubere, p. 131).
Loubere spends considerable time on women’s issues. Because
of industrialization, “family structure, human relations, the position of women
and everyday life, became transformed beyond recognition” (Loubere, pp. 2-3).
However, women are not presented as simply passive leaves being blown in the
wind of 19th Century forces. Throughout his narrative, the professor
describes active female participation in transforming their societies and
themselves. He interjects women’s issues into conversations about work,
education and role expectation. He provides sections entitled “Women: Bondage
and Liberation” and “Condition of Women” within his chapters.
Throughout the book, the Christian religion is presented as
a regressive, harmful force in European society. While discussing science and
medicine, Loubere adds the following gloss: “The immaterial, the soul or
spirit, was a fiction perpetrated on society by advocates of traditional
beliefs stemming from ages of gross ignorance about the world” (Loubere, p.
214). His argument against religion is
not confined to the problem of spreading superstition and ignorance. He also
catalogs actions by the “alliance between altar and throne” which logistically
attempts to restrain democratic progress (Loubere, p. 55). He describes how the
“rural population” was “kept in check by religion” (Loubere, p. 76). He
examines how in Prussia (Loubere, p. 221), France (Loubere, p. 222), and Russia
(Loubere, p. 263), when reform or revolt were beaten back by absolutist force,
the clergy was given the task of purging schools and universities of innovative
faculty and ideas; replacing them with dogma counseling passivity. This
backward thinking and action was not limited to the public sphere. Loubere
characterizes “the middle class wife after about the 1870s” as “a remarkable,
enlightened person” who no longer “accepted infant mortality as the will of
God” (Loubere, p. 246). But he goes on to describe how churchmen attempted to
counter this growth by preaching that “an educated woman was a dangerous
creature” (Loubere, p. 247). Later in the century, during the land grab in
Africa by European powers, clergy were right there with the soldiers
“Christianizing all the heathens” (Loubere, p. 337).
Throughout his narrative, Loubere bears witness to the
destructive power of violence. He sardonically describes the pattern of leftist
“political revolutions, whose violent phases lasted only a few days followed by
months of debate, and ending in a violent reckoning of accounts” with military
reaction (Loubere, p. 70). Of course he is equally critical of establishment
violence to repress society’s advance. Also, his chapter on imperialism stands
as in indictment of greed-driven war against native African and Asian
populations. Finally, the coda of the book, the unnecessary destruction that
was World War I, concludes his criticism of “nation states…ruled by men whose
minds had not yet evolved to…recognize war as a menace” (Loubere, p. 333).
Loubere is not a historian with ingenious theoretical
insight. Even his emphasis on the people from a liberal-progressive perspective
is nothing new; Howard Zinn beat him to it by about a decade. What Loubere
offers is breadth. He presents both the activities of the rulers and those of
the people, thereby offering a more whole picture than most historians. Loubere
is a dissenter from those who write only about traditional power politics, the
lives of the wealthy, or the dominant institutions. A reader will come away
from Nineteenth Century Europe with a broader perspective.
Loubere, Leo A. Nineteenth Century Europe. The Revolution of
Life. Engelwood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1994.
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