The Society of the Enlightenment is a useful
elucidation of the various social gathering organizations established in
Germany during the 17th and 18th Centuries. Histories of
the Enlightenment reflect a range of approaches from theoretical depictions of cultural
patterns and development, to narratives that tell an exciting chronological
story with characters from history struggling to introduce reason in a
superstitious and conservative society. Richard van Dulman’s offering is more
on the theoretical end of the spectrum. He presents an evolutionary model where
organizations develop through three phases over time. It is not so theoretical
that the reader will find herself in a web of ungrounded, abstract thought. In
each chapter, after the phase is described, Dulman presents detailed examples
of organizations. He employs primary source records from individual group
archives. In this way, the reader sees a vivid picture of what these gatherings
were like socially and functionally. Despite the usual problems of records
becoming scattered after the demise of an organization, Dulman is able to
provide an impressive 18 pages of footnotes at the end of a study that is only
143 pages, indicating a fulsome picture of the institutions he examines.
Phase One begins in the 17th Century, with
Learned and Literary Societies that are important antecedents to Enlightenment
clubs. Their chief goal was to expand personal and elite knowledge. While
outside of the organization, there existed an unequal divide between middle class
and aristocratic individuals, within the organization, members “were answerable
only to truth and reason.” (Dulman, p.
31). This attitude created an environment where the two classes could meet and
discuss ideas as peers, where “force of argument alone was decisive.” (Dulman,
p. 49). Some organizations, even included women in their membership despite a
general prejudice in society and academia that women were intellectually
inferior. (Dulman, p. 47). One should not think of these organizations as entirely
liberal or politically egalitarian. During this phase, the researcher found
that Learned and Literary Societies “excluded the common people” of the
worker/peasant class. (Dulman, p. 49). Their main contributions are in a
structure that encouraged evaluation of individuals based on performance rather
than class, and a learning process based on reason over tradition or
superstition.
Phase Two organizations began appearing “around the middle
of the 18th Century. While maintaining a commitment to expanding
personal knowledge, these organizations also “contained some elements of middle
class reformism.” Two types of societies developed along these lines: secret
societies like the Freemasons and “the so-called patriotic and public-spirited
societies.” Freemasonry “aimed to create a private moral world independent of
the state and the Church in which to further the development of men…in
accordance with the laws of enlightened reason. Public-spirited societies
functioned “openly…in the interests of the common good…by means of practical
proposals and reformist endeavors.” Neither form of organization represented a
challenge to absolutism. Most members could not conceive of a system without a
ruling prince. They saw themselves as acting “on behalf of the state.” (Dulman,
p. 52). The kinds of reforms they promoted ranged from establishing schools
based on reason and science, to proposing improved forms of agriculture.
Modifications to the state itself were not a concern.
It was only in Phase Three, late in the 18th
Century, under the conditions of “absolutism in crisis,” when organizations
developed which “no longer blindly accepted that their socio-political
aspirations could be fulfilled by a benevolent prince. They were progressive
reformers in their own right” who “founded associations which were independent
of, or co-existed alongside, established state institutions. Indeed, they even
displayed a tendency to oppose the state’s claim to be the sole legitimate
source of authority.” (Dulman, p. 82). These forms persisted through the end of
the century and gained influence once Napoleon expanded his sphere into the
German territories.
It is of marginal importance that this version of the book
is a translation from the original German. Translations are most important to
creative writing where artistry is necessarily altered in the process. In
non-fiction, as long as a translation does not change the author’s original
meanings, its’ impact is of little consequence.
Dulman’s scholarly gifts are not only in regard to his
stamina for research. In addition, he is able to analyze the successes or
failures of the organizations he examines with care and balance. It is not
uncommon for a secular historian to become overly-enthusiastic, about the early
attempts of secular/scientific intellectual movements, to the point of
overlooking imperfections. The author does not fall prey to this tendency. For
example, in his depiction of the Bavarian Academy of Science, Dulman is able to
discern that “in general, the academy conducted its scientific activity in an
unspectacular manner,” (Dulman, p. 37), while later showing its positive aspect
as “a forum for public debate which pursued a policy of Enlightenment” and,
particularly with regard to public education, “contributed to the successes
achieved by the advocates of the policy of enlightened reform.” (Dulman, pp.
38-9). This ability of discernment makes The Society of the Enlightenment
an exceptional addition our knowledge of this period in Germany, providing
realistic portraits of the era’s organizations.
Dulman, Richard van. The Society of the Enlightenment.
The Rise of the Middle Class and Enlightenment Culture in Germany.
Cambridge: Polity Press, 1992.
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